Presentation by H. E. Gordan Jandroković,
Minister of Foreign Affairs and European Integration of the Republic of Croatia
in the Illyrian Hall of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts
on the subject
Global foreign policy challenges
Zagreb, 11 November 2008
Introduction
Distinguished academicians,
Ladies and gentlemen,
First of all, allow me to thank the academician, Mr Rudolf,
for his invitation to speak before the members of the Croatian Academy of Sciences
and Arts and their guests on the subject of Croatian foreign policy challenges.
It is a great honour for me to speak on this theme in the
Illyrian Hall, a place of important historical events for our people and our
country.
It was here on 25 March 1848 that Josip Jelačić was appointed
Croatian viceroy, and it is here that Croatian intellectuals presented The Demands
of the People through which they advocated independence and the unification
of all Croatian lands, the preservation of Croatian national identity, and the
best possible positioning of Croatia in the 19th century. And it was here that
the Academy of Sciences and Arts was founded in 1866.
Therefore, this venue carries great symbolism, and my pleasure in being able
to speak about the new challenges that our country and society are facing today
is even greater since at the very beginning I can claim that the international
position of Croatia has never been better, and its international prestige has
never been higher than today.
Four basic determinants of Croatian foreign policy
What are the arguments supporting such a claim?
The arguments lie in the achievement of goals related to
four basic determinants of Croatian foreign policy, and in the fact that the
international community is acknowledging our efforts to achieve these goals.
The basic determinants of our foreign policy are to achieve
membership of the European Union, membership of NATO, for Croatia to take the
leading role in Southeast Europe, and an active role in the UN Security Council.
The successful achievement of the goals related to the four
basic determinants forms the nucleus of our foreign policy.
However, our foreign policy activities are also directed
towards the development of relations with large countries – such as the USA,
Russia, China, and India – and towards participation in the work of multilateral
forums and initiatives dealing with the resolution of topical global issues.
Our primary foreign policy goals are being successfully achieved, and this
is acknowledged by the entire world.
________________________________________________________________
We expect to become a full NATO member as early as the beginning of
April next year at the ceremony in Strasburg and Kehl marking the 60th
anniversary of the establishment of NATO.
The ratification of the Protocol on Accession is running according to plan
and has so far been successfully implemented in 8 NATO member states (Hungary,
Lithuania, USA, Latvia, Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, and Slovakia).
We expect the ratification procedure to be completed by the remaining NATO
members by February 2009.
We are also coming closer to full EU membership.
The most recent Progress Report on the Republic of Croatia has just
been published by the European Commission, and it is the most
positive one until now!
The framework time schedule for the completion of our accession negotiations
with the EU by the end of 2009 has also been defined.
We intend to complete the accession negotiations within this timeframe, which
means that in the period before us we will continue to implement a decisive
reform policy, making changes within Croatian society, and at the same time
changing ourselves.
In addition to its successful course towards EU and NATO integration, Croatia,
thanks to its active political, economic and security engagement in Southeast
Europe, has also been recognised as a flagship in the region.
Our membership in the UN Security Council can also be viewed
as a sign of our highly successful foreign policy activities
so far.
We already have one year of experience in this UN body as
a non-permanent member.
The issues which we deal with in the UN Security Council
concern the resolution of current crises, and other security issues in the world.
Proof of this is that Croatia, from its position as an object of world
policy has taken a great stride forward and put itself in the position
of a country which co-decides on the most important issues of world
policy.
Membership of the UN Security Council, in addition to our participation in
a number of UN peacekeeping missions (13 missions on four continents), NATO
missions (Afghanistan) and those of the European Union (Kosovo and Chad) throughout
the world have helped us gain a better perspective of global political circumstances
and have shown the need to consider our foreign policy, not only in
a European, but increasingly in a global framework.
Globalisation
Ladies and gentlemen,
From gaining independence until today, Croatia’s foreign
policy activities have focused on achieving international recognition, adjusting
to European standards, and integrating in the society of western democracies.
However, it is often forgotten that in parallel with the demanding
process of political and economic transition, which was additionally troubled
by the war and its consequences, Croatia has also had to deal with the phenomenon
of globalisation.
Globalisation is a complex phenomenon which cannot be captured
in a single definition. In more general terms, it can be described as a process
of aligning and standardising socio-political life throughout the world, or
of integrating the global community into a common economic, financial and social
system as a direct consequence of accelerated technological development and
the application of new forms of communication.
This phenomenon began to manifest itself more extensively
at the end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s, when it was perceived
in some circles solely as a threat to the national state and national
interests.
The perception of globalisation as a threat was primarily
related to the uncertainty of adjusting to the new circumstances.
Today, there is no state immune to the effects of globalisation.
And each state, after an initial period of disorientation,
has now attempted, in one way or another, to turn this phenomenon to its own
advantage.
To begin with, this boiled down to the mere protection of
national resources, values and vital state interests.
However, after nearly two decades of globalisation, it has become clear that
no state is capable of dealing with the challenges it is facing by acting individually.
It has become clear that only by participating in global initiatives and through
international integration do we gain the necessary political, economic
and military strength to overcome the challenges before us.
And, what is equally important, it is only within these frameworks
that we can maximise the benefits of globalisation.
________________________________________________________________
Today’s world has never seemed more connected.
Never before have such great opportunities presented themselves
to such a large number of people.
However, in spite of this, this world is still immense, complex, and
even dangerous.
After the fall of the Berlin Wall, which marked the end of the Cold War, some
were announcing “the end of history” – as in the title
of Francis Fukuyama’s world bestseller.
Actually, the basic assumption was that western liberal democracy
would impose itself as a government and social model and spread throughout the
world.
However, current circumstances in the world have proven that
such optimistic forecasts were premature.
Instead of coming to the “end of history”, we are confronted with
tectonic shifts in the distribution of economic and political power and influence.
One of the consequences of these shifts is the surfacing of some almost forgotten
conflicts – whose causes, in most cases, go way back
in history.
Georgia is the most recent example. And the most well-known is certainly the
conflict in the Middle East.
And if it is true that in a globalised world distant regions no longer
exist, then we cannot remain indifferent to the conflicts
that smoulder or have already burst into flame – regardless of how near
or far away they are.
Because each of these conflicts may have direct consequences
on international, and thus on our own, security.
That is why it is important for a country like Croatia to
make its contribution in Chad, in Afghanistan, or in the Western Sahara for
the preservation of world peace and security.
Besides the fact that in some way this is expected of Croatia,
given its current foreign policy position, this is also in our own interest.
That is why, through the UN Security Council, through our participation
in peacekeeping missions, and through our engagement in multilateral organisations
and initiatives, we will continue to contribute to world peace and security.
I repeat – this is in our own interest!
________________________________________________________________
Ladies and gentlemen,
Just as the end of the Cold War marked the beginning of the new global era,
so the terrorist attack on America (on 9/11, 2001) announced the beginning of
changes in the security and military scene of the world.
Today’s world is anything but a peaceful coexistence of different
religious and cultural communities.
We are witness to numerous tensions and crises, and to the fact that the world
simply does not yet have a response to some of these crises.
Therefore, the prevention of confrontations of different ideologies, religions,
nations and political systems is rightly considered one of the greatest challenges
of our time.
________________________________________________________________
However, the modern world has been simultaneously facing a few additional
major challenges.
These include security and military, economic and financial, energy and climate,
demographic and migration challenges.
Security and military challenges
The arms race and disarmament – concepts that we would otherwise
relate to other times, when the world powers, following negotiations in Vienna
and Reykjavik, signed the Final Act in Helsinki – unfortunately, even today,
have not lost their importance.
On the contrary, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
is still one of the most important topics of world politics.
We have witnessed since the end of the Cold War that the number of
countries capable of manufacturing and using nuclear weapons has not decreased,
but has rather increased.
There is growing interest in the development of nuclear technology
precisely in those countries that are not parties to international treaties
and conventions.
And this increases the danger that the technology they possess
can be used not just for civilian, but also for military purposes.
And all this also makes way for the greatest evil of our time – terrorism.
Moreover, the discussion on the prohibition of using cluster
munitions and mines is still current.
And in the last few months and even days we have been carefully
following the news on the positioning of (American and Russian) anti-missile
shields in Europe.
All this points to the need to strengthen the existing international
mechanisms in order to avoid a new arms race.
________________________________________________________________
Economic and financial challenges
The current economic and financial crisis can also be considered
as a new paradigm in the world economy and in financial operations.
This is seen not only in the fact that the earthquake felt by the American
stock exchange has today produced equal shocks on stock exchanges in Europe
and Asia – which started discussion on the need to reform the global financial
system, or to review the Bretton Woods model which has dominated the world capital
market since the end of the Second World War – but also in the fact that
an increasing number of new powers are seeking their place on the world stage.
Russia has already convincingly and decisively returned to
the world stage.
And if China continues to grow as it has done so far, by
2050 its economy will be twice the size of the American economy.
And there are also other countries on the threshold of industrial development,
such as India and Brazil.
Perhaps it would be interesting to mention that today 61
out of 500 of the largest companies in the world originated in one of the countries
that are on the threshold of industrial development.
________________________________________________________________
Energy security and climate changes
In this context, I would particularly like to focus on energy security
and the supply of energy products, and on climate change.
In the last few months, these issues have attracted a great
amount of attention.
The dependence of Europe and the countries that I have just mentioned on
imported energy products from the Middle East and Russia has
resulted in competition for the most favourable transport and strategic solutions,
so that today various construction projects are competing to build oil and gas
pipelines.
The largest number of potential oil and gas pipelines are to pass
through Southeast Europe, including Croatia.
Croatia, just like the rest of Europe, faces the same challenges,
most of all the continuous growth in demand for energy, and dependence on imports
of oil and gas.
The geographic position of Croatia, at the junction of the Danube region,
the Adriatic and Southeast Europe, opens up great opportunities to develop
cooperation with the European area, and to network in global, especially Southeast
European, Mediterranean and Euro-Asian, energy flows.
Therefore, our goal is to contribute to the overall strengthening
of the EU energy policy through energy projects which are complementary to
the European energy strategy.
This was the goal that directed us in drawing up the Energy Development
Strategy of the Republic of Croatia.
The current discussion on reducing energy dependence has
pushed an equally important issue – protecting against climate change – into
the background.
Only two years ago, when the Stern Report was published,
climate change dominated political discussion.
This report raised awareness that the preservation of the environment
at risk requires a joint solution and that preventing
the consequences of climate change is essential to prevent new threats
to peace and security in the world.
And when I say this, first of all I mean that even today in Africa, in the
Middle East, in Central Asia or the South Caucasus – the consequences
of climate change represent a potential source of new conflicts.
Firstly, due to more difficult access to available resources (especially
water) and the increasing difficulty in distributing these
resources fairly.
This is why new models and measures are sought to ensure
better environmental protection, without hindering sustainable economic development.
The measures for protecting against climate change, which are currently being
intensively discussed, should keep global warming below 2 degrees.
The prerequisite for this is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions
(by 20% by 2020, or even by 30% if an agreement about this is reached at an
international level) and to increase the share of renewable energy sources
(to 20% of total energy consumption, and of bio fuel to 10%).
Any agreement on complying with these measures will depend on the
abilities of individual countries to meet the set goals on the one hand, and
on preserving the competitiveness of their markets on the other hand.
In brief, these are foreign policy challenges that require
a common approach and common answers and which – and I wish
to particularly stress this – should in no way, because of the current crisis
on the world financial market, be pushed into the background.
I also point this out because these are issues that, although involving large
costs and investment, also open up great opportunities for economic
growth and development.
According to a survey carried out by the ILO, investments
alone in the renewable energy sources sector in the next 20 or so years will
grow to USD 630 billion, and this amount, according to some experts, will generate
at least 20 million new jobs.
And in the case of Croatia, the benefit from the Pan European
oil pipeline has been estimated at an amount ranging from USD 1.3 to 2.2 billion.
Therefore, we are dealing with areas that could contribute to a significant
strengthening of Croatian and European competitiveness.
One of the challenges will certainly be to prevent – due
to the strict regulations on limiting greenhouse emissions and the additional
costs incurred by industry – the transfer of production capacities to countries
with a lower level of environmental protection.
In this sense, it will be extremely important to adopt the ambitious goals
of the European Union at a global level.
And the outcome of negotiations on the post-Kyoto regime
will be of key importance for this issue.
________________________________________________________________
Demographic trends and migrations
Ladies and gentlemen,
On speaking about global challenges, I would like to turn
to another important issue – the mutual connection between current demographic
trends and migrations.
I mentioned that some global phenomena – even though they constitute a great
challenge – open up chances for growth and development, while others represent
a serious threat to social and economic development.
The aging of the population and negative demographic trends
present such a threat.
This threat affects the European Union and Croatia equally.
The share of the working-age population in the total population
has been continuously decreasing, and today it is already clear that
the fall in the birth rate and demographic aging will significantly
change circumstances in the European, and thus also in the Croatian,
labour market.
Measures such as adjusting structural, education system, and employment
policies with a view to prolonging the working age of the population
may temporarily alleviate, but cannot prevent in the long term all the
consequences of such demographic trends.
It is assumed that even from 2035, the population of Europe
will start to decline.
The situation is similar in Croatia, which has already been
facing a trend of continuous population decline!
For these reasons, a growth of migration flows is expected
both in the European Union and in Croatia.
Multiple challenges arise from this: while on one hand there is a need for
selective immigration so that the labour market can pursue
economic growth and an increase in FDI, the second priority is to prevent
a “brain drain” and illegal migration.
There is no doubt that, in addition to all the issues we
have already mentioned, managing migrations and demographic trends will be essential
in order to successfully deal with the consequences of globalisation.
However, it is only if we add to this other challenges, such as the increasing
prices of agricultural products, which make the fight against hunger even more
difficult, the suppression of pandemics, such as AIDS, the widening of the gap
between the rich and the poor, or the very fact that the European Union, NATO
and the UN are themselves going through a period of adjustment to
the new global circumstances – that we obtain a total picture of the effects
of globalisation that we are currently facing.
The challenges of Croatian foreign policy
Taking all this into account, we can reasonably claim that managing
the effects of globalisation will be the backbone of the political activity
of Washington, Moscow, Beijing, Paris, London and Berlin – and, finally, also
of Zagreb in the 21st century.
This means that today we already have to ask ourselves – what is moving
the world we live in, and what will that world be like tomorrow?
And what factors are going to affect its further development?
The dimensions and speed of the changes we are facing today
are really sometimes not easy to follow.
It is even harder to understand them and to adequately respond
to them.
But you will agree with me when I say that our response
to the current circumstances in the world cannot, and must not, be isolation.
Today, even a country such as Croatia is so extensively
engaged in networking with its neighbours, Europe and the rest of the
world that this is not, and cannot be, an option for us.
On the contrary, our goal must be to respond to the challenges of
today with foresight and determination.
And this means that we have to lead a responsible foreign policy
which, after integration in Euro-Atlantic structures, will successfully introduce
Croatia into the next stage – a stage in which we are going to act as an ally
and partner to the member states of the EU and NATO, and where
we are making an effort to find responses to the challenges of today and tomorrow
– and all this through dialogue and cooperation.
So, to lead a responsible foreign policy means leading a
policy which will take care of national interests, but also contribute to the
common resolution of problems.
In doing so, it will be highly important not to respond to the current
challenges by using old mindsets.
Our way of thinking, working and deciding has to be continuously
adjusted to new circumstances.
This is so because globalisation is also a question of the attitude,
philosophy, and principles that we are going to use to resolve the problems
and tasks before us.
Today, it is clear that to deal with all the issues that I have just mentioned
we require a new approach.
For Croatia, this means that, besides strengthening relations
with the USA and other large states, after joining the EU and NATO it will also
have to seek new partnerships and alliances within such integration to protect
its national interests.
And this will also imply the establishment of a new, more
efficient decision-making structure within our state.
All this represents a great challenge for our foreign policy!
However, although a great amount of work is in store for us to successfully
deal with the changed circumstances in world politics, in some segments of its
foreign policy activities Croatia has already made substantial progress.
Within a relatively short time, from being a country where peacekeeping missions
were deployed, Croatia has become a country that participates in peacekeeping
missions throughout the world, and, besides this, it has been continuously strengthening
its multilateral activities – in the Council of Europe, in
the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, and in the World Trade
Organisation – just to mention a few.
In all these organisations Croatia is already contributing to the
resolution of current global issues and crises.
We are already successfully applying our experience
and expertise in dealing with the consequences of war and in redirecting the
country on the path of peace, reconciliation and development, in all
our multilateral activities.
Croatia has also, from being a country that received international
aid, become a country providing such aid.
On the basis of our experience with development assistance, we are making
efforts to sensitise the international community to become more focused
on people’s real needs.
We point out that greater efficiency can and must be achieved
within the framework of current development assistance, but also that innovative
sources of financing must also be considered.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Besides finding effective and efficient responses to security challenges,
the aim of our foreign policy must also be to create conditions
which will allow the largest possible number of our citizens
to exploit the:
- advantages and opportunities of technological innovations;
- communications revolution;
- opportunities arising in new emerging markets.
In brief, these are the conditions for our country and society
to make the best possible use of the advantages of global development.
Therefore, foreign policy must directly work towards the internal
development of our country and society.
In other words, in addition to securing peace, security and stability, foreign
policy must provide opportunities for the sustainable and stable economic
growth or our country, and thus directly contribute to raising the
standard of living and enabling all our citizens to have a better quality
of life.
This is why a significant part of our foreign policy activities already focus
on the stronger promotion of the export capacities of our enterprises,
and on providing individual support to our exporters and investors
in broadening their operations and achieving their business interests in foreign
markets.
And, in some cases, this will also mean placing diplomatic representative
bodies in locations where our business people show special interest.
Croatia – the EU and NATO
Ladies and gentlemen,
In the conditions of globalisation, the best solution for
a country the size and strength of the Republic of Croatia is precisely membership
in the EU and NATO.
Membership in the Euro-Atlantic community is not important just because, as
is well known, Croatia has always – in terms of history, culture and
values – belonged to the community of western democracies.
EU and NATO membership is an issue of capital significance precisely because
Croatia shares the same values on which these associations are based, which
are: freedom, democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights,
equality, a free market economy…
Therefore, we consider our commitment to EU and NATO membership as a
logical follow-up to the political, economic and social development of our country
so far.
For Croatia, joining the Euro-Atlantic community is also a matter
of a clear commitment to a better life for its citizens.
Economic growth, peace, security and stability, access to EU funds, lower
expenses for defence, mobility in the process of education, better business
opportunities, growth of foreign investments, the balance of rights and obligations,
and participation in the decision-making process – all these are the advantages
of membership which will eventually lead to a better standard of living for
our citizens.
________________________________________________________________
On the path so far of our country’s integration into NATO
and the EU, we have successfully overcome many hurdles, implemented a number
of reforms and achieved a high degree of preparation for membership.
Nevertheless, at the end of the road – especially the road
to EU membership – there are a few more challenges that we have to overcome.
We have been given a framework for the completion of negotiations
in extremely difficult circumstances, of which let us mention only three: 1)
enlargement fatigue; 2) the Lisbon Treaty; and 3) the financial crisis.
As you know, the problem of establishing a new institutional architecture
for the EU is still current.
The European Union initiated a discussion on the new institutional
order even before the last round of enlargement to ensure the unhindered
accession of new Member States and to maintain, at the same
time, the efficiency of its operation.
The need to find a suitable institutional solution did not
arise just from enlargement, but also from the very development of European
integration, which for years has been growing stronger and gaining a new dimension.
The desire was for the enlargement of the Union to be accompanied by its
political “deepening”.
Actually, we can say that since then this issue has dominated all
political discussions concerning the future of the EU – from the Convention
on the Future of Europe through to the Lisbon Treaty.
With these new institutional solutions, the European Union also wished to
adjust to the changes in the international relations of the 21st century,
and to secure its efficient engagement on the “international stage”.
The Lisbon Treaty creates the conditions for all this.
As you know, the completion of its ratification remains a challenge – especially
after the negative results of the referendum on the Lisbon Treaty in
Ireland.
We are convinced that the European Union, as it has done many times before
in its history, will find an adequate solution to emerge
from the situation in which it found itself after the Irish referendum,
and that this is not going to be an obstacle to our joining the EU.
Along with the news that the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty is continuing
– (the Czech Republic intends to ratify it at the latest in the first quarter
of 2009) – we also see a reason for optimism in that the
referendum in Ireland was not an expression of reservations towards further
EU enlargement, and thus not towards the integration of Croatia into the EU.
On the contrary, according to opinion polls in all 27 Member
States, Croatia’s membership in the EU enjoys the support of the majority of
European citizens.
The reason why we are devoting special attention to the unravelling of the
situation of the Lisbon Treaty is less connected to the potential repercussions
for our country’s membership of the EU, because there are clear indications
that Croatia, in this sense, can be part of the solution.
This reason is to a larger extent derived from the fact that Croatia,
in the framework of accession negotiations, will have to arrange for its participation
in the work of European institutions (as part of Chapter 34 “Institutions”)
and in the course of this, it will have to carve out its status, which
will be proportionate to its objective strength and capacities.
It also arises from the fact that the Lisbon Treaty, among other things, provides
for the establishment of a European External Action Service
for which, as future member, we already have to start preparing.
And, finally, our interest in the Lisbon Treaty also arises
from the fact that it is not only important for Croatia, but also for
other candidate countries and potential candidates for membership, i.e. the
states involved in the Stabilisation and Association Process.
When we speak of completing internal reforms, our goal in the forthcoming
period is to implement even the most demanding reforms – such
as restructuring the shipbuilding industry, fighting corruption and organised
crime, and reforming the justice system and public administration.
These are strategic decisions and reforms and I admit that they are
not easy.
However, I wish to clearly stress that we would make these decisions in any
case in our own interest.
Therefore, it is not Brussels that is making us take these
decisions, but it is our own choice, for the need to be involved in
the global flows that I have just been talking about, for the creation of a
favourable business and investment climate and for a society based on a knowledge
economy.
Therefore, EU membership is just an additional “wind in the sails”
for the internal changes which we would have implemented anyway.
However, it was precisely the last Intergovernmental Accession
Conference that showed that, in order to successfully complete our negotiations
within the foreseen timeframe, not everything depends on us, but also on the
resolution of open issues with the Member States.
Here I have in mind the unresolved border issues with Slovenia, which are
not a matter of our accession negotiations, but nevertheless have an effect
on the overall pace of our accession process.
Croatia is prepared to resolve the open border issues with Slovenia
in the spirit of good neighbourly relations and before an international judicial
authority, as was initiated by the Bled Agreement
between Prime Minister Sanader and Prime Minister Janša.
And I will repeat once again here that Croatia’s documents in the
negotiations are without prejudice to the sea border.
In fact, we have referred this issue to two commissions: a mixed Croatian-Slovenian
Commission for Preparation of a Legal Framework for Filing the Dispute about
the Demarcation of the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Slovenia before
an International Body, and a mixed Croatian-Slovenian Commission for Establishment
of Areas of Dispute on the Border between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic
of Slovenia, whose work we are supporting.
And since the initial positions on the resolution of open border issues were
presented at the first formal meetings of the Commissions, we believe that it
will be possible to reach a final agreement with the new Slovenian Government
on the question of which international judicial authority should be addressed
for the resolution of this matter.
I repeat – this is a bilateral issue that cannot be a reason
for the freezing of accession negotiations.
A chance to boost our relations with EU Member States and to create a more
positive atmosphere which could prove an incentive in resolving these, and also
many other, issues involving the Adriatic has been provided by our participation
in the new EU strategy for the Mediterranean area, known as the Union
for the Mediterranean.
As a member of the Union for the Mediterranean, Croatia is involved
in seeking an answer to the challenges of the Mediterranean area through the
realisation of important projects – such as the building of maritime
routes, the protection of the sea environment, the more efficient use of renewable
energy sources, or the strengthening of SMEs.
By being engaged in the Union for the Mediterranean, we have obtained the
chance to profile ourselves as a Mediterranean country, to acquire new understandings
and – as I have already stressed – to establish new partnerships for resolving
issues of common interest.
Croatia and Southeast Europe
Ladies and gentlemen,
In my presentation so far, I have spoken about all the challenges
that lie before us and in what areas Croatia is already closely cooperating
with the international community.
However, in one segment of our foreign policy – the one
that concerns our neighbourhood – Croatia has the role of flagship and model.
Here, the international community has for a long number of years been
closely cooperating with Croatia as a reliable and responsible partner.
Our experience, knowledge and advice are of great benefit to our partners
and allies, not only for further stabilisation, but also for
the preservation of Euro-Atlantic prospects and
the progress of the integration process in all countries of Southeast
Europe.
Croatia has made the most progress on the path towards Euro-Atlantic
integration. It provides an example to other countries in the region, showing
that a reform policy pays off and that it is the best guarantor of progress
on the path to integration.
The states of Southeast Europe constitute an area which is
in a geographical sense surrounded by EU Member States.
Any political instability in Southeast Europe therefore means
instability for the entire continent.
To establish permanent peace and stability in these parts,
it is of major importance to make the entire region part of the Euro-Atlantic
community as soon as possible.
Two factors are especially important for this: maintaining the perspective
of membership and strengthening cooperation with SEE at all levels.
And this is why we transfer and share our experiences –
as part of bilateral cooperation with the individual states of the region and
as part of cooperation with the international community.
On the same basis, we are trying to find a solution for open
bilateral issues.
Along with transferring experiences, Croatia, as I have said, also
offers solutions to help its neighbours come to terms as soon as possible with
the demanding path that lies before them towards integration into Euro-Atlantic
structures.
An example of this is the significant contribution of Croatia
in the development of the Southeast European Cooperation Process which took
over the tasks of the Stability Pact for SEE.
The Regional Cooperation Council was established with a seat
in Sarajevo, and a high-ranking Croatian diplomat was appointed its Secretary
General.
Our advocacy concerning the enlargement of CEFTA to all
SEE countries (regardless of whether they had previously met the conditions
for WTO membership) has also been of crucial importance.
Recently, we also co-initiated the invitation to Bosnia and Herzegovina
and Montenegro for membership in the American-Adriatic Charter
We are doing this because, despite the progress achieved in the region, we
are conscious that Macedonia, due to the controversy with Greece concerning
its name, has come to a standstill on its path to integration, that the recognition
of an independent Kosovo is a new security challenge for Southeast Europe, while
the current situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina also gives us cause
for concern.
For this reason, in our contacts with the representatives of the international
community, we have persistently stressed the need to redirect
attention to Bosnia and Herzegovina.
We have done this because it is evident from everything I have said
that the interest today of the international community is to a large extent
directed to other regions and parts of the world.
In these circumstances sometimes we lose sight that there are still
unresolved issues precisely in our neighbourhoods which require the attention
and assistance of the international community.
When we speak about Bosnia and Herzegovina, no consensus
has been reached among the representatives of the three constituent nations
about the future of this country.
Thirteen years after the Dayton Agreement was signed it has
become clear that although it brought an end to the war, in its present form
it does not represent a sufficient basis for the further development and functioning
of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Therefore, we support all solutions that will be reached
by an agreement of all three constituent nations.
The position of Croatia is clear and unambiguous: we support the sovereignty
and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, we support the constitutive
right and equality of all three nations, we support solutions
that will ensure that the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina work efficiently,
and solutions that will ensure the European future of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Naturally, we are devoting special attention to the protection
of the rights of Croatians in Bosnia and Herzegovina, not only because this
is our constitutional obligation, but also because it is a commitment derived
from the Dayton Agreement.
The same is true of the protection of the rights of Croatians
in other SEE countries.
The same attention which we give to the developments in Bosnia
and Herzegovina we also devote to our relations with other states in the region.
We are aware that our relations with Serbia are particularly important
for the stability of Southeast Europe.
We welcome and support the European commitment of the new Government
and the fact that, by signing the Stabilisation and Association Agreement,
Serbia has made the first important step towards its European future.
We wish to work with the new Government on the development
of our relations and on deepening our dialogue concerning open issues.
We expect that the painful national trauma of losing Kosovo
will not prevent the new Government of Serbia from taking a constructive position
in its relations with Croatia.
This is why any distortion of historical facts and any accusations
directed to Croatia are difficult for us to understand and are unacceptable.
We are looking towards the future, but we know very well
who was the aggressor, and from where the war was initiated.
If it wants to go forward, Serbia must face the legacy of
Milošević’s regime.
This is the only correct way and an important component of
any reconciliation and the real basis for the development of good neighbourly
relations.
Concerning Kosovo, Croatia will continue to contribute to
its stabilisation, and will support and assist its economic development and
path towards EU integration.
Our Embassy which we are just about to open there will present
an important link between Zagreb and Priština.
Croatia is also fostering good and friendly relations with other countries
in Southeast Europe – Macedonia, Albania, and Montenegro.
Relations with these countries are such that either there
are no open issues at all, or that the ones that are still open are being resolved
in a constructive manner.
We are also aware that for progress to be achieved by the entire region on
its way towards integration, in addition to assistance in meeting the criteria
for membership and strengthening regional cooperation, it is equally
important to promote economic cooperation.
In this sense, Croatia is also striving to provide a maximum
contribution.
It is doing this through the increasing presence of our business people in
the region, and also by the fact that Croatia today is opening the doors
to the markets of Southeast Europe to many international companies.
It is my conviction that the strengthening of economic cooperation
may be of major help, not only for the further development and progress of the
region on its way to integration, but also in overcoming the heavy burden
of the past in these areas.
The European Union, which rose from the ruins left by World
War II, is the best example of this.
And since I mentioned the Second World War, I do not want
to omit mentioning that precisely today, on 11 November at 11 a.m., the world
is celebrating the end of the First World War.
We know that the beginning of both world wars is connected
with the territories that surround us.
And, therefore, we really hope that the year 2009 – besides
being the year of the completion of our accession negotiations with the EU,
and of Croatia becoming a fully fledged member of NATO – will also be the year
of Southeast Europe, a year when the pace of SEE will accelerate on its course
to EU membership, as the Commissioner for Enlargement, Olli Rehn, recently announced.
This is in our interest, because only the permanent stability and
prosperity of the whole region can also guarantee the permanent stability and
prosperity of the Republic of Croatia.
And to conclude,
Croatia has entered a very dynamic, important period where
our primary foreign policy goals are as follows – the completion of accession
negotiations, NATO membership, engagement in the Security Council, and the follow-up
of many activities in regional and multilateral fields.
But also further adjustment to global challenges.
As much as these goals may seem challenging and demanding,
Croatia has sufficient determination, strength and knowledge to achieve them.
Thank you for your attention!
