Can the recent
incidents in Kranj and Belgrade damage the relations between Croatia
and Serbia and Montenegro?
Our relations have been moving forward for quite some time now, but
they inevitably include oscillations and standstills. This is exactly
what is happening right now, because there is no other word for an attack
on embassy but a grave incident. What is particularly discouraging is
the fact that Serbia and Montenegro’s government described this incident
as having nothing to do with politics, only with hooliganism. However,
the government has taken full responsibility for the inadequate protection
of Croatia’s embassy. It was obviously a case of bad security judgement.
One of the lessons we must learn is that success of our bilateral relations
is the result of a long series of negotiations, but that the foundations
of good neighbourly relations are still rather shaky.
Are you bothered by the fact that Serbia and Montenegro’s
government has not immediately condemned the incident?
Admittedly, yes. The water in the pool was still choppy when Prime Minister
Račan congratulated our team and condemned the disgraceful behaviour
of the fans. We have been waiting too long for a reaction from Serbia
and Montenegro’s government. We are talking about the severest incident
since the establishment of diplomatic relations. The relations between
our countries are not ordinary bilateral relations. Everything good
that happens has a special significance, but everything bad that happens
has an even stronger impact.
The recent events do not benefit the content of the EU Summit
that is to take place in Solun in a few days. What wil Croatia bring
to the summit?
The recent events do bear a political significance, but the key for
success with the EU lies in having a vision. A vision is what led to
a project that is unprecedented in all European history. The next UE
enlargement will have the power to erase such incidents. The Solun Summit
is one of those events that will overcome our daily problems.
Why is the Solun Summit so important?
Because it will eliminate certain prejudices. It will
give us the opportunity to realise that some marginal political option
will become even more marginal because they see the processes within
the context of enlargement as creating some Balkans associations or
denying individuality. In football terms, Solun is for Croatia the end
of first half. If we take the year 2000 as the beginning of the game
and consider our efforts to show that we are not only the new, but also
a better government than those before us, then I think we can say Croatia
has set its course firmly on the right tracks. In the second half of
the game, now that we know where we are going, depending on the speed,
we will reach the EU in 2007, no later than 2008.
We all want Croatia to enter the EU as soon as possible, but we do not
want speed to take precedence over quality. The road to the EU is paved
not with talks about dates, but with successfully carried out reforms.
But that does not depend solely on us. Conditions for the enlargement
must also be created. It is possible that we will enter the EU a year
or two later than we have originally planned – in 2007. The Greece’s
Prime Minister Kostas Simitis’ statement that negotiations with Croatia
will end 2008 or 2009 bears the same political significance as Günther
Verheugen’s statement a few months ago. Simitis’ statement is severely
underrated. I would sign it immediately, as this is the first time that
a European politician of such calibre has linked Croatia’s candidacy
with an specific year.
Can Croatia break the bad habit of fulfilling its obligations
at the last moment and only after international pressure?
Each decision requires a certain context. International pressure is
not necessarily always a bad thing. Because of its war and post-war
history, different criteria apply to Croatia, that are not always easy
to meet. Not necessarily because of political obstacles, but also because
of the public that needs to be made ready. The battle for the public
is a characteristic of all Western countries. It is important, however,
that we do not fall too far behind. The Zagreb Summit was a starting
shot, and the Solun Summit will be an opportunity for us to measure
our timing. Croatia has been identified as a country that, albeit not
always as quickly or smoothly as it should, carries out its reforms
quite well, and is very likely to be the first country in the region
to enter the EU.
Are you worried by the fact that the forthcoming elections
might bring all EU-oriented processes to a standstill?
Three quarters of Croatian people, regardless of the changing political
context, support Croatia’s entry into the EU. When we compare this with
the fact that none of the Croatian political parties can win nearly
as many votes, we will see that the political affiliation of those 75%
of citizens very much heterogeneous. A party that risks fulfilling the
obligations, risks winning the elections, and party leaders are well
aware of that.
But problems might still occur. What if Croatia is faced
with new indictments?
With every problem that we have solved, I think our capability
to deal with the Hague indictments has grown. I doubt that co-operation
with the Hague will present a problem in the future. With each step
we take towards the EU, the ability of our people to face their past
is growing, even regarding the war crimes Croatians committed during
the War for Independence. As regards the “Gotovina case”, right now
the international representatives are only waiting to see what happens.
As regards the relations with the US, Croatia’s foreign
policy seems to be sending contradictory signals. Your deputy is calling
for further dialogue, while president Mesić is taking a much firmer
stand. What is this about?
The issue itself is contradictory and that is why our reactions might
seem that way too. Both the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Croatian
government want to maintain strategical relations with both the US and
the EU. We have tried to explain to the US our situation and the way
we perceive the functioning of the international legal system. This
is not an easy decision for Croatia to make, but we can make it easier
for ourselves if we stick to certain principles. We have not closed
the door on negotiating with the US, but we cannot, like some other
countries did, just sign the bilateral agreement without much discussion.
Through talks with the US we should be able to find a bilateral way
to solve that problem. This could also be the topic of the Solun Summit.
It is true that coalition is
trying to enter diplomacy
What is the purpose of reorganising the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs?
The purpose is to modify it organisationally and functionally so that
it would meet the foreign policy aims. The old model has worn out. We
should emphasise more strongly our European ambitions through a European
Division. Division for Neighbour Countries is also of key importance,
as our success with the EU is measured according to the relations with
our neighbours as well. Division for Economic Diplomacy will be a part
of the Ministry that will help both those that wish to export from Croatia
and those that wish to invest in it.
Is it true that the coalition forces are trying to take
advantage of this reorganisation and penetrate into the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs?
Yes, it is true. I can understand the need for parties to be represented
in the Ministry, but I must also point out the degree of what we are
trying to do here, and that is the profesionalisation of the Ministry.
it is often the case that you have to be a better diplomat with your
own coalition partners that with foreign diplomats. Party appointments
on the ministerial level have to stop. Regarding this combination of
political and professional legitimacy, I must stress that all persons
that came from other parties are highly professional. I would not even
speak to them if that was not the case, let alone co-operate with them.